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This message is taken from the writings of “The INVISIBLE GOVERNMENT” by DAN SMOOT; beginning with the Preface. "On May 30, 1961, President Kennedy departed for Europe and a summit meeting with Khrushchev.
Every day the Presidential tour was given banner headlines; and the meeting with Khrushchev was reported as an event of earthshaking consequence. It was an important event. But a meeting which was probably far more important, and which had commanded no front-page headlines at all, ended quietly on May 29, the day before President and Mrs. Kennedy set out on their grand tour.
On May 12, 1961, Dr. Philip E. Mosely, Director of Studies of the Council on Foreign Relations, announced that, Prominent Soviet and American citizens will hold a week-long unofficial conference on Soviet-American relations in the Soviet Union, beginning May 22. Dr. Mosely, a co-chairman of the American group, said that the State Department had approved the meeting but that the Americans involved would go as “private citizens” and would express their own views. T
he New York Times’ news story on Dr. Mosely’s announcement (May 13, 1961) read:
The importance attached by the Soviet Union to the meeting appears to be suggested by the fact that the Soviet group will include three members of the communist party’s Central Committee . . . and one candidate member of that body .... The meeting, to be held in the town of Nizhnyaya Oreanda, in the Crimea, will follow the pattern of a similar unofficial meeting, in which many of the same persons participated, at Dartmouth College last fall.
The meetings will take place in private and there are no plans to issue an agreed statement on the subjects discussed. The topics to be discussed include disarmament and the guaranteeing of . . . international peace, the role of the United Nations in strengthening international security, the role of advanced nations in aiding underdeveloped countries, and the prospects for peaceful and improving Soviet-United States relations.
The Dartmouth conference last fall and the scheduled Crimean conference originated from a suggestion made by Norman Cousins, editor of The Saturday Review and co-chairman of the American group going to the Crimea, when he visited the Soviet Union a year and a half ago ....
Mr. Cousins and Dr. Mosely formed a small American group early last year to organize the conferences. It received financial support from the Ford Foundation for the Dartmouth conference and for travel costs to the Crimean meeting. The group selected the American representatives for the two meetings.
Among those who participated in the Dartmouth conference were several who have since taken high posts in the Kennedy Administration, including Dr. Walt W. Rostow, now an assistant to President Kennedy, and George F. Kennan, now United States Ambassador to Yugoslavia .... The head of the Soviet delegation to the meeting in the Soviet Union, May 22, 1961, was Aleksander Y. Korneichuk, a close personal friend of Khrushchev.
The American citizens scheduled to attend included besides Dr. Mosely and Mr. Cousins: Marian Anderson, the singer; Dean Erwin N. Griswold, of the Harvard Law School; Gabriel Hauge, former economic adviser to President Eisenhower and now an executive of the Manufacturers Trust Company; Dr. Margaret Mead, a widely known anthropologist whose name (like that of Norman Cousins) has been associated with communist front activities in the United States;
...Dr. A. William Loos, Director of the Church Peace Union; Stuart Chase, American author notable for his pro-socialist, anti-anti-communist attitudes; William Benton, former U.S. Senator, also well-known as a pro-socialist, anti-anti-communist, now Chairman of the Board of Encyclopedia Britannica; Dr. George Fisher,
...of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology; Professor Paul M. Doty, Jr., of Harvard’s Chemistry Department; Professor Lloyd Reynolds, Yale University economist; Professor Louis B. Sohn of the Harvard Law School; Dr. Joseph E. Johnson, an old friend and former associate of Alger Hiss in the State Department, who succeeded Hiss as President of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and still holds that position;
...Professor Robert R. Bowie, former head of the State Department’s Policy Planning Staff (a job which Hiss also held at one time), now Director of the Center for International Affairs at Harvard; and Dr. Arthur Larson, former assistant to, and ghost writer for, President Eisenhower.
Larson was often called “Mr. Modern Republican,” because the political philosophy which he espoused was precisely that of Eisenhower (Larson is now, 1962, Director of the World Rule of Law Center at Duke University, where his full-time preoccupation is working for repeal of the Connally Reservation, so that the World Court can take jurisdiction over United States affairs).
I think the meeting which the Council on Foreign Relations arranged in the Soviet Union, in 1961, was more important than President Kennedy’s meeting with Khrushchev, because I am convinced that the Council on Foreign Relations, together with a great number of other associated tax-exempt organizations, constitutes the invisible government which sets the major policies of the federal government; exercises controlling influence on governmental officials who implement the policies; and, through massive and skillful propaganda, influences Congress and the public to support the policies.
I am convinced that the objective of this invisible government is to convert America into a socialist state and then make it a unit in a one-world socialist system.
The information about membership and activities of the Council on Foreign Relations and of its interlocking affiliates comes largely from publications issued by those organizations. The Royal Institute of International Affairs in England (usually called Chatham House) and the American Council on Foreign Relations were both conceived at a dinner meeting in Paris in 1919.
By working with the CFR, the Royal Institute, undoubtedly, has had profound influence on American affairs. Other internationalist organizations in foreign lands which work with the American Council on Foreign Relations, include the Institute des Relations Internationales (Belgium), Danish Foreign Policy Society, Indian Council of World Affairs, Australian Institute of International Affairs, and similar organizations in France, Italy, Yugoslavia, Greece, and Turkey. The “Bilderbergers” are another powerful group involved in the internationalist web.
The “Bilderbergers” take the name from the scene of their first known meeting—the Bilderberg Hotel, Oosterbeck, The Netherlands, in May, 1954. The group consists of influential Western businessmen, diplomats, and high governmental officials. Their meetings, conducted in secrecy and in a hugger-mugger atmosphere, are held about every six months at various places throughout the world. His Royal Highness, Prince Bernhard of The Netherlands, has presided at every known meeting of the Bilderberger Group.
Prince Bernhard is known to be an influential member of the Societe Generale de Belgique, a mysterious organization which seems to be an association of large corporate interests from many countries. American firms associated with the society are said to be among the large corporations whose officers are members of the Council on Foreign Relations and related organizations. My own research does reveal the broad outlines of the invisible government." - Signed: Dan Smoot, May, 1962.
President George Washington, in his Farewell Address to the people of the United States on September 17, 1796, established a foreign policy which became traditional and a main article of faith for the American people in their dealings with the rest of the world. Washington warned against foreign influence in the shaping of national affairs. He urged America to avoid permanent, entangling alliances with other nations, recommending a national policy of benign neutrality toward the rest of the world.
Washington did not want America to build a wall around herself, or to become, in any sense, a hermit nation. Washington’s policy permitted freer exchange of travel, commerce, ideas, and culture between Americans and other people than Americans have ever enjoyed since the policy was abandoned. The Father of our Country wanted the American government to be kept out of the wars and revolutions and political affairs of other nations.
Washington told Americans that their nation had a high destiny, which it could not fulfill if they permitted their government to become entangled in the affairs of other nations. Despite the fact of two foreign wars (Mexican War, 1846-1848; and Spanish American War, 1898) the foreign policy of Washington remained the policy of this nation, unaltered, for 121 years—until Woodrow Wilson’s war message to Congress in April, 1917.
Wilson himself, when campaigning for re-election in 1916, had unequivocally supported our traditional foreign policy: his one major promise to the American people was that he would keep them out of the European war. Yet, even while making this promise, Wilson was yielding to a pressure he was never able to withstand: the influence of Colonel Edward M. House, Wilson’s all-powerful adviser.
According to House’s own papers and the historical studies of Wilson’s ardent admirers (see, for example, Intimate Papers of Colonel House, edited by Charles Seymour, published in 1926 by Houghton Mifflin; and, The Crisis of the Old Order by Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., published in 1957 by Houghton Mifflin), House created Wilson’s domestic and foreign policies, selected most of Wilson’s cabinet and other major appointees, and ran Wilson’s State Department. House had powerful connections with international bankers in New York.
He was influential, for example, with great financial institutions represented by such people as Paul and Felix Warburg, Otto H. Kahn, Louis Marburg, Henry Morgenthau, Jacob and Mortimer Schiff, Herbert Lehman.
House had equally powerful connections with bankers and politicians of Europe. Bringing all of these forces to bear, House persuaded Wilson that America had an evangelistic mission to save the world for “democracy.” The first major twentieth century tragedy for the United States resulted: Wilson’s war message to Congress and the declaration of war against Germany on April 6, 1917. House also persuaded Wilson that the way to avoid all future wars was to create a world federation of nations.
On May 27, 1916, in a speech to the League to Enforce Peace, Wilson first publicly endorsed Colonel House’s world-government idea (without, however, identifying it as originating with House). In September, 1916, Wilson (at the urging of House) appointed a committee of intellectuals (the first President’s Brain Trust) to formulate peace terms and draw up a charter for world government.
This committee, with House in charge, consisted of about 150 college professors, graduate students, lawyers, economists, writers, and others. Among them were men still familiar to Americans in the 1960’s: Walter Lippman (columnist); Norman Thomas (head of the American socialist party); Allen Dulles (former head of C.I.A.); John Foster Dulles (late Secretary of State); Christian A. Herter (former Secretary of State).
These eager young intellectuals around Wilson, under the clear eyes of crafty Colonel House, drew up their charter for world government (League of Nations Covenant) and prepared for the brave new socialist one-world to follow World War I. But things went sour at the Paris Peace Conference. They soured even more when constitutionalists in the United States Senate found out what was being planned and made it quite plain that the Senate would not authorize United States membership in such a world federation.
Bitter with disappointment but not willing to give up, Colonel House called together in Paris, France, a group of his most dedicated young intellectuals—among them, John Foster and Allen Dulles, Christian A. Herter, and Tasker H. Bliss—and arranged a dinner meeting with a group of like-minded Englishmen at the Majestic Hotel, Paris, on May 19, 1919. The group formally agreed to form an organization “for the study of international affairs.”
The American group came home from Paris and formed the Council on Foreign Relations, which was incorporated in 1921. The purpose of the Council on Foreign Relations was to create (and condition the American people to accept) what House called a “positive” foreign policy for America—to replace the traditional “negative” foreign policy which had kept America out of the endless turmoil of old-world politics and had permitted the American people to develop their great nation in freedom and independence from the rest of the world.
The Council did not amount to a great deal until 1927, when the Rockefeller family (through the various Rockefeller Foundations and Funds) began to pour money into it. Before long, the Carnegie Foundations (and later the Ford Foundation) began to finance the Council. In 1929, the Council (largely with Rockefeller gifts) acquired its present headquarters property: The Harold Pratt House, 58 East 68th Street, New York City.
In 1939, the Council began taking over the U.S. State Department. Shortly after the start of World War II, in September, 1939, Hamilton Fish Armstrong and Walter H. Mallory, of the Council on Foreign Relations, visited the State Department to offer the services of the Council.
It was agreed that the Council would do research and make recommendations for the State Department, without formal assignment or responsibility. The Council formed groups to work in four general fields—Security and Armaments Problems, Economic and Financial Problems, Political Problems, and Territorial Problems. The Rockefeller Foundation agreed to finance, through grants, the operation of this plan.
In February, 1941, the Council on Foreign Relations’ relationship with the State Department changed. The State Department created the Division of Special Research, which was divided into Economic, Security, Political, and Territorial sections. Leo Pasvolsky, of the Council, was appointed Director of this Division. Within a very short time, members of the Council on Foreign Relations dominated this new Division in the State Department.
During 1942, the State Department set up the Advisory Committee on Postwar Foreign Policy. Secretary of State Cordell Hull was Chairman. The following members of the Council on Foreign Relations were on this Committee: Under Secretary of State Sumner Welles (Vice-Chairman), Dr. Leo Pasvolsky (Executive Officer); Hamilton Fish Armstrong, Isaiah Bowman, Benjamin V. Cohen, Norman H. Davis, and James T. Shotwell.
Other members of the Council also found positions in the State Department: Philip E. Mosely, Walter R. Sharp, and Grayson Kirk, among others. The crowning moment of achievement for the Council came at San Francisco in 1945, when over 40 members of the United States Delegation to the organizational meeting of the United Nations (where the United Nations Charter was written) were members of the Council.
Among them: Alger Hiss, Secretary of State Edward R. Stettinius, Leo Pasvolsky, John Foster Dulles, John J. McCloy, Julius C. Holmes, Nelson A. Rockefeller, Adlai Stevenson, Joseph E. Johnson, Ralph J. Bunche, Clark M. Eichelberger, and Thomas K. Finletter. By 1945, the Council on Foreign Relations, and various foundations and other organizations interlocked with it, had virtually taken over the U. S. State Department. [1] This brings us to another hook in the system that has hijacked our National Sovereignty.
Here is the wording out of the Senior Executive Services Plum books that prove a sitting President cannot fire SES members. “By law, the appointment to or removal from any SES position in an independent regulatory commission shall not be subject, directly or indirectly, to review or approval by an officer or entity within the Executive Office of the President.” Plum Book, Policy and Supporting Positions (p. 218k, last paragraph).
The Senior Executive Service (SES) lead America’s workforce. As the keystone of the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978, the SES was established to “...ensure that the executive management of the Government of the United States is responsive to what they deem as the needs, policies, and goals of the Nation.” These leaders possess well-honed executive skills and share a broad perspective on government service that is supposed to be grounded in the Constitution.
Members of the SES serve in the key positions just below the top Presidential appointees. Let me repeat: Members of the SES serve in the key positions just below the top Presidential appointees. SES members are the major link between these appointees and the rest of the Federal workforce. They operate and oversee nearly every government activity in approximately 75 Federal agencies. Understand: these people are NOT elected and these people CAN NOT be fired.
However, the U.S. Office of Personnel Management (OPM) manages the overall Federal executive personnel program, providing the day-to-day oversight and assistance to agencies as they develop, select, and manage their federal executives. Yes, indeed. These SES operatives manage the federal executives. In other words, our ELECTED EXECUTIVES MUST answer to these operatives that are entrenched in our government. [3] Ask yourself who really controls the US government? Is the SES—the real shadow government?
Are the Senior Executives working in concert with the Council on Foreign Relations? Remember, as far back as February, 1941, the Council on Foreign Relations’ relationship with the State Department changed. America became infiltrated. Are we subjects to the World Order oligarchs of the Council on Foreign Relations operating out of the United Nations? It is time we wake up and realize America is no longer America. It is time for We the People to stop this unconstitutional criminality. Spread the truth.
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